Episode 3 - ‘It’s the economy, stupid!’ - Globalisation, monetary aches and pains, neoliberalism, Greenspan, and a medley of ’90s economics
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Growing up as a Xennial, I had zero interest
in the economy. After graduating in journalism,
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I landed a job as a stock market reporter,
and that's one of the best things that ever
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happened to me. In the early noughties, the
city of London was a very exciting place to
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be. Financial services were thriving, until, it
all came crashing down, one morning of September,
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2008, when one of the world's largest banks,
Lehman Brothers collapsed. I'm Charlotte Kan,
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an inquisitive Xennial, and in this
episode I thought I would invite a man
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I used to interview regularly when working
as a business reporter. It's Gilles Moec,
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who's AXA Group Chief Economist and head
of research at AXA IM. Welcome to Xennials.
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Gilles Moec, thank you so much for joining us.
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It's a pleasure, Charlotte.
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So, Gilles, as an economist, had you ever heard
of Xennials, and what do you make of analyzing
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a generational cohort and trying to understand
its traits and characteristics through the lens
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of economics and through fiscal and monetary
policies in particular? We know that Boomers,
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for instance, were very much influenced by
the post World War II reconstruction efforts,
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and as a result, they tend to be described
as a hardworking, as fairly optimistic,
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and also very career driven. So tell us, Xennials?
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Okay, so I'm a very sad person, so it's not
going to surprise you that I didn't know the
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word actually before you talked to me about it.
But yeah, I think generations make sense from
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an economic perspective. Economists usually love
to talk about cycles, right cycles of between 5,
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10, 15 years. So basically, depending on
when you started working, for instance,
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during a particular cycle, a very favorable one
or mediocre one, very often it is going to have
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a very lasting impact on the professional life.
And there are tons of literature on the fact that,
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for instance, if you were unlucky enough to start
a career during bad economic times, you're going
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to suffer from it in your job opportunities,
in your pay level for 15, 20 years. So yeah,
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I mean there's certainly space for generational
analysis in mainstream economics, yeah.
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The 1990s are often described as the 'Good
Decade', an era of strong economic growth. But
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that's almost a tale of two halves, isn't it?
With what's happening in the US and in Europe
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they're quite different, and obviously we all are
focusing on the west here and not other countries.
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Yes. Yeah, it's definitely the beginning, the
emergence of many areas outside the west. And in
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the west, I would certainly agree that it's quite
different actually, across the Atlantic in Europe,
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the problem we had was that the decade started
with reunification in Germany and that triggered
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a massive shock. Actually, the Bundesbank at
the time was as usual, super worried about the
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inflation shock that the unification would
create. Hiked interest rates massively. And
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given the way our European assistant worked at
the time, all the initial central banks had to
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follow suit. And I was working at Banque De
France in the nineties, and basically you
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could describe monetary policy in France at the
time as Bundesbank plus five minutes. Basically,
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you would wait to see what the Bundesbank would
do and then you would follow suit. So we had
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pretty tough financial conditions. Germany had
to work actually quite painfully through the
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shock of unification and the ramifications
for the rest of Europe were quite grim.
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So actually the peak in unemployment in a lot
of countries on the continent was roughly 94,
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95. It's only after 95 that things
really started to improve in Europe,
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at least on the continent. The UK, it's a
different story. In the UK, things went pretty
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well fairly quickly after the 1992 crash out
of the European rate mechanism. But same thing,
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the beginning of the decade was not so great, even
in the uk, people may have forgotten about it,
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but actually 92, 93 was not a good year.
In the US, you didn't have that shock
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from the Germany reunification obviously. So
Clinton won the elections on the famous Motto:
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'It's the economies stupid' because the late 1980s
were not great. And then there was the recession
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triggered the very short recession triggered by
the first Gulf war, but very quickly after 92
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things improved very nicely in the US. So given
the sort of cultural dominance of the us, yes,
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the general memory of it maybe, yeah, was a super
great year economically. It's not that obvious.
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What you've just mentioned is the perfect
segue for my next question. You've talked
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about Clinton. Often we credit the maverick
politicians of the nineties with this period
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of economic growth that maybe happened later
on during the decade, but nevertheless,
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they were the fruit of harsh policies that
were implemented in the eighties. And often
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they are credited with the success of their own
policies, but really there's a lot more to it.
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Yes, definitely. For me, the best example of that
is the UK. The UK went through a very complicated
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decade of 1980s. Obviously under Margaret
Thatcher you had this massive supply side reforms,
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fiscal policy turn to austerity. Public spending
fell and your entire segments of the industry just
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disappeared. Unemployment was actually massive in
the UK in the 1980s, and when Tony Blair won the
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elections in 97, basically, I'm not going to say
it was easy, but yes, it was kind of easy because
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a lot of the dirty job had already been done.
He inherited a very low level of public debt,
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low levels of deficits, low levels of taxation,
and it was able actually to make the UK converge
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to what had become the sort of normal social
democratic welfare state that you had in the
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rest of Europe. It was a catch up, but he had
the financial needs of the catch up and it could
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benefit from the surge in what is called potential
growth, which was a legacy of the 1980s. So very,
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very tough period, but giving way to
fundamental improvement in the nineties.
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Could you describe the 1990s from your
perspective as an economist and tell us more
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about the monetary and economic policy context.
I mean, it's often described as an era of great
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volatility across financial markets. We've got
the emerging market crises of 97 and 99, that
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lasted for quite some time and started in
Southeast Asia of course, and then that was
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followed by Russia and a lot of Latin America.
So what about all those crises? I haven't
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mentioned greater flexibility in exchange rates
as well, and a reduction in inflation worldwide.
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Gilles Moec (08:34):
Well, inflation was basically
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killed in the 1980s. That's not a legacy from the
1980s. The dirty job had been done, the pain had
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been inflicted in the 1980s in the form of a surge
in employment, so that by the 1990s, inflation was
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more or less under control, but we still had to
deal with a number of shocks and it felt as if
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the minute you had started dealing with a crisis,
there was another one just cropping up. So today
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it's fashionable to talk about poly crisis, but
actually the nineties there was quite a bit of
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poly crisis as well. It's just they did not feel
existential. And in many cases, those crises were
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the product of proper fundamental improvement.
If you think about the Asian crisis of the 1990s,
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to some extent it was the product of the fact
that Asia was actually emerging, was doing well.
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And as is the case with many countries at the
beginning of their economic emergence, well,
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they don't necessarily have the right monetary
plumbing, they don't necessarily have the right
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banking regulation and so forth. You have to
create all this, and very often it takes a
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crisis to create. It takes a crisis to force
basically policy policymakers to deal with
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those plumbing issues. So yeah, we had crisis,
but at the same time there was a sense that,
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yeah, we are actually making progress or it's the
reflection of progress. Same thing in Europe. We
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had those exchange rate crisis at the beginning
of the 1990s, which I described with central
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banks forced to get into super tough monetary
policies. But why were we doing it? We were doing
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it because we wanted to create the single currency
in Europe. My view is that it was worth it, right?
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But I remember at the time, again, I was a
super young junior economist at the Banque
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de France at the time. You had dinner table
conversations with your family and stuff,
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and you were accused of basically triggering
recessions and stuff. And the point we were
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constantly making at the time was, Hey,
we have an objective. The objective is
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to create single currency. It's a cool
project. People did not believe in it at
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the very beginning. It very nearly got killed
by the 92 referendum. It was no small feat,
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it was done. And so there was a sense of yes,
it's complicated. There's a crisis. We need to
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deal with those moments of volatility. But
down the road it's a good thing. Down the
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road we're going to get to something which
is much more solid than what we had before.
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And Gilles, since you mentioned the growth
pains that Asia went through during the 1990s,
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what about the rise of China during the
decade? I mean China literally started
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to explode at the end of the 1990s.
How did that come about, remind us!
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Well, it was nearly how, just say a conscious
decision, a collective conscious decision in
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the West really. There was this idea that now that
the big rivalry with the USSR was over, cold war
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was over quite naturally. We would also converge
to what remain if you want, as the alternative
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block. And China was the other country, the other
model, but there was this very optimistic view at
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the time. Clinton was very much on that view, for
instance, that by welcoming China in the world
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economy, by gradually creating the conditions
that they could, for instance, join the World
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Trade Organization, we would gradually create
a friendlier China. So the development of China
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was also seen as a way to anchor China into the
new nice, harmonious, and obviously down the road
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democratic world order that we thought we would be
creating at the time. It was a time of optimism in
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the sense as well, if you remember the famous book
at the time, the End of History, this idea that
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the old liberal views from the early 18th century
would actually come true. Now it's actually not
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Anglo-Saxon, it's French, it's Montesquieu was the
first, actually you said that if we engage in free
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trade gradually, we will come to more harmonious,
more civilized international relationships. And
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this belief was extraordinarily strong in
the 1990s, did not really come to fruition.
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That's for sure. I was going to mention it
actually, Francis Fukoyama and the end of
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history and this idea that somehow we had reached
the pinnacle of all political and economic systems
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with neoliberalism. There's one man who really
left his mark on monetary and fiscal policies
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during the 1990s and beyond it's Alan Greenspan
- quite a complex and interesting character. He
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helmed the US Fed from 1997 to 2006. What
do you make of the man and his policies?
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He is a very interesting man, but I guess today we
would not choose someone like him to head the Fed.
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He made his career, he made a fortune actually
by creating a fairly small consultancy at the
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beginning, which was really good at extracting
signals for the markets from the day-to-Day data
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flow. He could translate basically the change in
signal conditions into signals for the markets.
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So it was a guy who was obviously very well
attuned to what was going on in the economy,
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who knew how to read the economy. But apart from
very strong principles, he was a libertarian. It
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was a discipline of Ayn Rand. Apart from this
sort of generic libertarian worldview. He was
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a guy who was extraordinarily suspicious of big
macroeconomic models. So it was a big case of I
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can fine tune the economy by reading what's going
on, by reacting to data on industrial productions
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and employment, et cetera. I don't need a big
theoretical framework. Very different from people
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like Bernanke or Draghi who for me were the two
latest big giants of military monetary policy,
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people with very strong grounding in
macroeconomic models. Greenspan was,
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I would call this a fine tuner,
but if you so markets loved him.
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And my reaction at the time, again, I was at the
French Central Bank, maybe were a bit jealous of
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the status, the star status of Greenspan at the
time. But our view at the time was certainly my
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view was that actually a central banker should not
be loved. Actually, it's probably dangerous if the
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market loves the head of the biggest central
bank of the world. And it was the case. He
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was seen as the complete maverick, the guy who
could drive the economy and avoid any sort of
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accident. And he actually gave way to accidents
and he was probably creating the conditions first
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for the dotcom bubble of 2001, and probably also
played a big role in building of the conditions
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for the great financial crisis of Wade. But at
the time, the market was in love with the guy.
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Thank you Gilles. And I promise this audience
that one day I will spend more time explaining
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the principles of libertarianism and Ayn Rand,
let's move on. Europe. A lot happened during
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the 1990s. You've alluded to it, the adoption
of the Euro or the preparation that led up to
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it. What were the key milestones and remind
us how people felt about it in the 1990s.
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Gilles Moec (16:35):
It was not obvious actually, because now
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it feels as sort of natural state of affairs, but
it all hinged on the French referendum in 1992,
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which was a near miss. I can't remember the score.
It was 51 49, something like this. So actually
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clearly the population was in two minds about
monetary union. It was not a walk in the box,
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it was not obvious to anyone. And then there
was also this feeling that we were losing some
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sovereignty because we were losing the capacity to
decide monetary policy at the national level. And
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it was not entirely obvious to the public at large
what would be the benefit. And it was in a way,
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a bit theoretical because basically what you
had to explain to people it was hard was okay,
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actually we believe, you believe that we
have national monetary policies. Actually,
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it's not true because we are
so integrated and in reality,
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national central banks at the moment
continuously follow the Bundesbank.
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So actually we'll be better off deciding
collectively rather than just following what the
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Bundesbank is doing. But it's very hard to convey
as a message and the benefits in terms of, okay,
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now we have a single market. It's obvious that
we need to have a single currency complementing
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if you want this single market, the benefits
were not easy to convey. And down the road,
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what I think it boiled down too, to get the
project across the line was basically to
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appeal to sort of generic pro-European feeling,
which was still very true at the time. You could
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still tap into this sort of generic belief
that more union is probably good that did not
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necessarily hold that well later on, but in the
nineties you could still really tap into that.
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Did we reach peak globalization
during the late nineties?
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Ideologically? Yes. Statistically
no. Statistically no. Because peak
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globalization in terms of the share
of import and exports in global GDP,
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it's actually not so long ago, it's just before
Covid, but in the general mindset of policymakers,
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yes, it's probably the late 1990s, early, early
naughties, the preparation of China joining WTO,
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the creation of, because in Europe we had the
single market in the US they had nafta. So you
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could see regional free trade zones becoming
more and more frequent. And generally speaking,
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I remember a few guys at the time started saying,
that might not be such a great thing. I remember
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Robert Reich who was a labor secretary, I think
under Clinton writing a book in the late nineties.
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I remember reading that I'm thinking might be
something saying, we are creating a world which
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is great for what he called symbol manipulators.
Guys who, people who can work in abstract terms,
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but full blue collars, it's less obvious. Denny
Roderick, the Economist, which was the first start
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saying maybe we're going too far, but those
were pretty isolated voices in general. This
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was this general feeling that, hey, what we're
doing is good. And by the way, I still think
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it's good. I think I believe in very, very few
absolute truth in economics, but that free trade,
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generally speaking is a positive. That is one
of my beliefs, but it was peak at the time.
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And are we going through
reverse globalization today?
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It's complicated. To some extent, yes. I prefer
to call this cloudification. So yeah, I want to
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copyright on that word because like Xennials, like
Xennials, I call this cloudification because it's
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not as if regions or countries are retracting on
their own resources, it's just that they tend to
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trade and to finance themselves among friends if
you want, among geopolitical friends. You can see
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that in North America in June of this year. It's
the first time in 20 years that Mexico sold more
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manufactured products to the US than China.
You can see that also in financial flows. The
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share of China in holding US debt has been
falling for the last 10 years. Europeans,
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Japanese South Koreans are actually raising their
share of US debt. So yeah, we're creating clubs.
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So it doesn't mean that world trade falls, it's
still very much alive. But yeah, it's not just
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about price and comparative advantage, it's all
this plus am I actually trading with a friend.
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To conclude with, what era are we in
today in terms of fiscal and monetary
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policy and how do you think it
will shape today's generation?
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Okay. I think on monetary policy, it's, it's
a pretty painful normalization. And we've had,
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thanks to globalization in part, actually we've
had 20 years of extremely low inflation to the
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point that it kind of disappeared from the common
psyche. We didn't really have to think about that.
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And when we had this surge in inflation, when
at the end of the pandemic for a few months,
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the economic profession believed that it was
transitory. I certainly believed it was transitory
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and it proved to be much, much persistent.
So I don't think military policy will ever
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come back to the sort of zero rates situation we
had before covid. So monetary policy on trend is
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probably going to be more restrictive on fiscal
policy. We've spent a lot of money over the last
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few years through the pandemic also in Europe to
deal with the Ukraine crisis. And even in the US
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where you could think there was no real reason
why they would have to spend that much money.
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It seems that they want to spend a lot of
money and political polarization, sorry,
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in the US is so acute that it's very hard to see
how they could very easily take control of their
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fiscal policy again. So public debts on
trend continue continues to rise. So for
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the generation coming now, it might be a bit
painful. Painful because rates are rising.
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So if you're at the beginning of your capital
accumulation trajectory, it's going to be more
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complicated than 20 years ago. And if you count
on government spending to help you along with your
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studies with the beginning of your professional
life, ensuring you against the big risks,
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while governments are going to have a hard time
providing you with the same kind of support.
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I am tempted to throw in another question
actually to address the theme I mentioned in
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my introduction. Did we Xennials somehow benefit
more than other generations from globalization,
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from the start, the emergence of the
digital economy? Were we a golden era?
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I find it hard to answer that because I tend to be
a bit allergic to the current generational wars.
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That's a new theme. The boomers are responsible
for everything because they spent far too much
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money. Those Xennialsp actually had it very
good and now the new generation is really going
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to struggle. I have trouble with that because
what we constantly fail to see is how much the
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previous generation had to do and take to get us
where we are now. I talked about the eighties. A
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lot of baby boomers had a hard time during the
1980s and we forget that if you were a boomer,
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but you happened to be working in mining in coal
mining in the UK in the late seventies, my god,
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you didn't have a great life. So we had to be
super careful with that idea. The other thing,
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and again I'm a sad person, is that
in any case, we didn't know that.
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I mean the nineties, yes, in retrospect it was
probably actually a good time to be 20. I was 20,
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19 90. It was a good time to be in your twenties.
But we did not realize it because again,
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the unemployment rate was still very high.
Interest rates at the beginning were high.
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I could not even dream of being a house a
flat in Paris at the time. When I read today,
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I cannot buy anything in Paris. Well
try to buy a flat in Paris in 1992
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when interest rates were 12%. So we have to
be super careful with these sort of things.
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Thank you very much, Gilles. I
think it's time for a Xennials quiz.
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Okay.
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Alright so Gilles, your
favorite album of the 1990s?
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Okay, I want to have the right to two because
I'm French and there will be one in French and
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one sung in English. The one in French is "Paris
Ailleurs", Étienne Daho, 1991. Just looked up
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before coming on your string device, you can
see what you listen from a certain period. So
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barrier 1991. If you've never listened to a Indo,
please do. Great guy. The English, the one sung
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in English because the guy is actually Irish,
Neil Hannon, divine Comedy, Promenade 1994. A
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great piece of the revival of British pop.
I mean it's a great album. Promenade 1994.
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I remember the Divine Comedy. I used to
listen to them a lot during the 1990s
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and of course Etienne Daho. He's
from Brittany, exactly, like you,
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and I so he would be up there, of
course. Your favorite film of the 1990s.
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Okay, so the obvious answer would be something
that by Tarantino, but I actually don't like
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his movies never liked them even at the time.
So actually same thing, sorry it's going to
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be French, but if you happen to find this
film one day, the Sentinel, La Sentinelle
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came out in 1992. Super interesting complex film
about basically the end of the Cold War and the
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ramifications of the Cold War in France. Great,
great film. Arnaud Despleschin, The Sentinel.
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Thank you very much. Your
favorite gadget of the nineties.
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I thought about it and remembered all of a sudden,
do you remember the Psion series five? It was an
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organizer with a little keyboard. Obviously
there was no connection so it could not be
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a proper tablet, but it looked like the tablet
came out in 95, 96. I had one for my birthday.
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You could actually write small text on this small
little keyboard. You could run your diary. I dunno
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what happened. It was a British company and
the design was super slick. Psion Series 5.
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I will ask Ben Wood, who was on the
previous podcast to tell us more
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about this device in another episode.
Your favorite book of the nineties.
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It's funny because on my way in, I was thinking
book from 1990s. I really enjoyed and the first
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that came to my mind, I was Less Than Zero
by Brett Easton Ellis. And then I realized
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that it was actually written in 85, but
I read it in the nineties And Less than
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Zero feels so nineties actually, because it's
so postmodern. It's really about sort of pre
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bohemian youth lost in a university, engaging in
very hedonistic activities. It feels really 1990s.
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And finally, one word to
describe the decade, the 1990s.
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Cool. But we did not know it.
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And you can't say cool anymore
because that's massively uncool
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apparently. Gilles Moec, thank you so much.
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Most welcome.
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That was, Gilles Moec, AXA Group Chief
Economist and AXA IM Head of Research.
Please note that video transcripts are provided for reference only – content may vary from the published video or contain inaccuracies.
Gilles Moec, AXA Group Chief Economist and AXA IM Head of Research
This episode of Xennials will explore the dynamic decade of the 1990s, a pivotal period characterised by strong economic growth, technological advances, and significant monetary and fiscal policies globally. We’ll discuss how these factors shaped the xennial generation, positioned between generation X and millennials. Our guest, Gilles Moec, chief economist at AXA, provides insights into major events like the 1997–98 Asian and EM financial crisis, the European monetary system crisis of 1992, the rise of neoliberalism, and the consolidation of global economic power. We also touch on the implications of these events for today’s economic and political landscape, including the formation of the euro and the emergence of the United States as the world’s sole superpower post-Cold War.
Recorded November 2023